The common histories cm-rent in China avoid the difficulties of the original by giving an abridgment of it. Theru was what wo may call a college of thom, consisting of seventy members. You have formed the States of the various princes into provinces and districts, where the people enjoy a happy tranquillity, suf- fering no more from the calamities of war and contention. This condition of things will be transmitted for 10, generations. Prom the highest antiquity there has been no one in awful virtue like Your Majesty.
But now Your Majesty is in possession of aU within the seas, and your sons and younger brothers are nothing but private individuals. That a state of things not modelled from the lessons of antiquity can long continue ; — that is what I have not heard. Ts'ing is now showing himself to be a flatterer, who increases the errors of Your Majestj"-, and is not a loyal minister. Bach had a pe- culiar system of government, not for the sake of the contra- riety, but as being required by the changed times.
This is indeed be- yond what a stupid scholar can understand. And, moreover, Yue only talks of things belonging to the Three Dynasties, which are not fit to be models to you. At other times, when 1 The T'een family grew up in the State of Ts'e, and in the early part of the 4th century B. The dismemberment of Ts'in was still earlier. Let those of the people who abide in their homes give their strength to the toils of husbandry, and those who become scholars should study the various laws and prohibitions.
Instead of doing this, how- ever, the scholars do not learn what belongs to the present day, but study antiquity. They go on to condemn the pre- sent time, leading the masses of the people astray, and to disorder. The princes therefore stood up together ; constant references were made to antiquity to the injury of the present state ; baseless statements were dressed up to confound what was real, and men made a boast of their own peculiar learning to condemn what their rulers appointed.
And now, when Your Majesty has consolidated the empire, and, distinguishing black from white, has constituted it a stable unity, they still honour their peculiar learning, and combine together ; they teach men what is contrary to your laws. When they hear that an ordinance has been issued, every one sets to discussing it with his learning. In the court, they are dissatisfied in heart ; out of it, they keep talking in the streets.
While they make a pretence of vaunting their Master, they consider it fine to have extraordinary views of their own. And so they lead on the people to be guilty of murmuring and evil speaking. If these things are not prohibited. Your Majesty's authority will decline, and parties will be forT ip. The only books which should be spared are those on medicine, divination, and husbandry. Whoever wants to learn the laws may go to the magistrates and learn of them.
In the year after the burning of the Books, the resentment of the Emperor was excited by the remarks and flight of two scholars who had been favourites with him, and he de- termined to institute a strict inquiry about all of their class in Heen-yang, to find out whether they had been making ominous speeches about him, and disturbing the minds of the people. The investigation was committed to the Cen- sors ; and it being discovered that upwards of scholars had violated the prohibitions, they were all buried alive in pits, for a warning to the empire, while degradation and banishment were employed more strictly than before against all who fell under suspicion.
The Emperor's eldest son, Foo-soo, remonstrated with him, saying that such measures against those who repeated the words of Confucius, and sought to imitate him, would alienate all the people from their infant dynasty, but his interference ofiended his father so much that he was sent off from court, to be with the general who was superintending the building of the great ' wall.
No attempts have been made by Chinese critics and his- torians to discredit the record of these events, though some have questioned the extent of the injury inflicted by them on the monuments of their ancient literature. It is import- ant to observe that the edict against the Books did not extend to the Yih-king, which was exempted as being a work on divination, nor did it extend to the other classics which were in charge of the Board of Great Scholars.
There ought to have been no difficulty in finding copies when the Han dy- nasty superseded that of Ts'in ; and probably there would have been none but for the sack of the capital, in B. It is to be noted, moreover, that his hfe lasted only three years after the promulgation of his edict. He died B. Then the reign of the founder of the Han dynasty dates from B. We may believe, indeed, that vigorous efforts to carry the edict into effect would not be continued longer than the life of its author, — that is, not for more than about three years.
The calamity inflicted on the ancient Books of China by the House of Ts'in could not have approached to anything like a complete destruction of them. The idea of forgery by the scholars of the Han dynasty on a large scale is out of the question. The catalogues of Lew Hin enumerated more than 13, volumes of a larger or smaller size, the productions of nearly different writers, and arranged in 38 subdivisions of subjects. In the third catalogue, the first subdivision contained the orthodox writers, to the number of 53, with Works or portions of their Works.
Between Mencius and K'ung Keih, the grand- son of Confucius, eight different authors have place. The second subdivision contained the Works of the Taouist school, amounting to collections, from 37 different authors. The sixth subdivision contained the Mihist writers, to the num- ber of six, with their productions in 86 collections. I specify these two subdivisions, because they embraced the Works of schools or sects antagonist to that of Confucius, and some of them still hold a place in Chinese literature, and contain many references to the five Classics, and to Confucius and his disciples. The injury which they sustained from the dynasty of Ts'in was, I believe, the same in character as that to which they were exposed during all the time of " the Warring States " It may have been more intense in degree, but the constant warfare which prevailed for some centuries among the dif- ferent States which composed the empire was eminently unfavourable to the cultivation of literature.
Mencius tells us how the princes had made away with many of the records of antiquity, from which their own usurpations and innova- tions might have been condemned. It only amounted to years. Between these two periods Mencius stands as a connecting link. Born probably in the year B. From all these considerations, we may proceed with confidence to consider each separate Work, believing that we have in these Classics and Books what the great sage of China and his disciples found, or gave to their coun- try, more than years ago.
See Menciiis, V. Ft II. When the work of collecting and editing the rema of the Classical Books was undertaken by the scholars HaUj there appeared two different copies of the Aualec one from Loo, the native State of Confucius, and the- otl from Ts'e, the State adjoining. The former consisted of twei Books or Chapters, the same as those into which the Clas is now divided.
The names of several individuals are given, who devo themselves to the study of those two copies of the Clasi Among the patrons of the Loo copy are mentioned names of Hea-how Shing, grand-tutor of the heir-appare who died at the age of 90, and in the reign of the Empe Seuen b. As patrons of the Ts'e copy, we hi Wang K'ing, who was a censor in the year b. But a third copy of the Analects was discovered abi B.
One of the sons of the Emperor King was i pointed king of Loo, in the year b. While doing so, there were found in the wall copies of the Shoo-king, the Ch'un Ts'ew, the Heaou-king, and the Lun Yu or Analects, which had been deposited there, when the edict for the burning of the Books was issued.
The recovery of this copy will be seen to be a most im- portant circumstance in the history of the text of the Ana- lects. It is referred to by Chinese writers, as " The old Lun Yu. The king was finally arrested, we are told, in his purpose to destroy the house, by hearing the sound of bells, musical stones, lutes, and harpsichords, as he was ascending the steps that led to the ancestral hall or temple. This incident was con- trived, we may suppose, by the K'ung family, to preserve the house, or it may have been devised by the historian to glorify the sage, but we may not, on account of it, dis- credit the finding of the ancient copies of the Books.
We have K'img Gan-kwo's own account of their being com- mitted to him, and of the ways which he took to decipher them. The work upon the Analects, mentioned above, has not indeed come down to us, but his labours, on the Shoo- king still remain.. In this re- spect,. Those two books were wanting in it as welL The last book of the Loo Lun waa divided in it, however, into two, the chapter ' Called " tadpole oharaoters.
They were, it is said, the original forms devised by Ts'ang KeS, with large heads and fine tails, like the creature from which they were named. See the notes to the preface to the Shoo-king in " The thirteen Classics. Chang Yu, prince of Gan-ch'ang, who died B. The : suit of his labours appeared in twenty -one Books, which i mentioned in Lew Hin's catalogue. To Chang Yu is commonly ascribed the eje ing from the Classic of the two additional books which i Ts'e exemplar contained, but Ma Twan-lin prefers to ri that circumstance on the authority of the old Lun, wh] we have seen was without them.
If we had the two Bool we might find sufficient reason from their contents to d credit them. That may have been sufficient for Chang "! In the course of the second century, a new edition the Analects, with a commentary, was published by one the greatest scholars which China has ever produced, — Ch'i Heuen, known also as Ch'ing K'ang-shing. He died the reign of the Emperor Heen a. While he adopted the L Lun as the received text of his time, he compared it minute with those of Ts'e and the old exemplar. He produced thi different works on the Analects, which unfortunately do r subsist.
They were current, however, for several centurie and the name of one of them — " The Meaning of the Lun 1 explained," — appears in the Catalogues of Books in t T'ang dynasty a. On the whole, the above statements will satisfy t reader of the care with which the text of the Lun Yu w fixed during the dynasty of Han. At the commencement of the notes upon the first Book, under the heading — " The Title of the Work," I have given the received account of its authorship, taken from the "History of Literature " of the western Han dynasty.
According to that, the Analects were compiled by the disciples of Con- fucius, coming together after his death, and digesting the memorials of his discourses and conversations which they had severally preserved. But this cannot be true. Again, Book XIX. Confucius personally does not appear in it. Parts of it, as chapters iii. We can hardly suppose it to have been written while any of the ten were aUve. We find him, B. We cannot therefore accept the above account of origin of the Analects, — that they were compiled by disciples of Confucius. In the note on Book I 1, a peculiarity is pointed out in the use of the surname!
Yew Jo and Tsang Sin, which has made some Chinese cri attribute the compilation to their followers. But this c elusion does not stand investigation. Others have assig; different portions to different schools. Even if we were to acquiesce in tl decisions, we should have accounted only for a small ] of the work. It is better to rest in the general conclus; that it was compiled by the disciples of the disciples of sage, making free use of the written memorials concern him which they had received, and the oral statements wl they had heard, from their several masters. And we s not be far wrong, if we determine its date as about - beginning of the third, or the end of the fourth cent before Christ.
In the critical work on the Classical Books, ca " Eecord of Remarks in the village of Yung," publishe 1 , it is observed, " The Analects, in my opinion, y, made by the disciples, just like this Record of Rema: There they were recorded, and afterwards came a first-i hand, who gave them the beautiful literary finish which now witness, so that there is not a character which does have its own indispensable place. If one hand or one mind had gested the materials provided by many, the arrangem iind style of the work would have been different. We she not have had the same remark appearing in several Boc.
A degree of unity appears to belong to some Books more than to others, and in general to the first ten more than to those which follow, but there is no progress of thought or illustration of subject from Book to Book. And even in those where the chapters have a common subject, they are thrown together at random more than on any plan. When the Work was first called the Lun Yu, we cannot tell. The old Lun was found deposited in the wall of the house which Confucius had occupied, and must have been placed there not later than B.
We have the Writings, or portions of the Writings, of several authors of the third and fourth centuries before Christ. In The Great Learning, Commentary, chapter iv. In The Doctrine of the Mean, ch. In Mencius, II. If it were so, it is strange the circumstance is not mentioned in Ho An's preface.
These quotations, however, are introduced by " ' Master said," or " Confucius said," no mention being m of any book called " The Lun Yu," or Analects. In Great Learning, Commentary, x. In all these Works, as well as in those of Lee i Mih, the references to Confucius and his disciples, anc many circumstances of his life, are numerous. Those in the latter are mos burlesques, but those by the orthodox writers have more less of classical authority.
Some of them may be found the Kea Yu, or " Family Sayings," and in parts of the Ke, while others are " only known to us by their occurrei in these Writings. They leave the presumpti however, in favour of those conclusions, which arises fr the facts stated in the first section, undisturbed. They ci firm it rather. They show that there was abundance materials at hand.
It would be a vast and unprofitable labour to attempt to give a list of the Commentaries which, have been pub- lished on this Work. My object is merely to point out how zealously the business of interpretation was undertakeuj as soon as the text had been recovered by the scholars of the Han dynasty, and with what industry it has been persevered in down to the present time.
Mention has been made, in Section I. Paou Heen, a distinguished scholar and officer, of the reign of Kwang-woo, the first emperor of the Eastern Han dynasty, A. The critical work of K'ung Gan-kwo on the old Lun Yu has been referred to. That was lost in consequence of troubles which arose towards the close of the reign of the Emperor Woo, but in the time of the Em- peror Shun, A. The labours of Ch'ing Heuen in the second century have been mentioned.
Not long after his death, there ensued a period of anarchy, when the empire was divided into three govern- ments, well known from the celebrated historical romance, called " The Three States. The preface of the five compilers, in the form of a memorial to the emperor, so called, of the House of Wei, is pubhshed with it, and has been of much assistance to me in writing these sections. Ho An was the leader among them, and the work is com- monly quoted as if it were the production of him alone. Prom Ho An downwards, there has not been a dynasty which has not contributed its labourers to the illustration of the Analects.
In the Leang, which occupied the throne a good part of the sixth century, there appeared the " Com- ments of Wang K'an," who to the seven authorities cited by Ho An added other thirteen, being scholars who had deserved well of the Classic during the intermediate time. QQJL 12Z9. An edition of the Classics was published by imperial authority, about the beginning of the 11th century, with the title of " The Correct Meaning.
But the names of the Sung dynasty are all thrown into the shade by that of Choo He, than whom China has not produced a greater scholar. He composed, in the 12th century, three Works on the Analects, which still remain : — the first called "Collected Meanings;" the second, " Collected Comments;" and the third, " Queries. The scholars of the present dynasty, however, seem in- clined to question the correctness of his views and interpret- ations of the Classics, and the chief place among them is due to Maou K'eling, known more commonly as Maou Se-ho. His writings, under the name of " The Collected Works of Se-ho," have been published iu 80 volumes, containing be- tween three and four hundred books or sections.
I wiU only say here that the Book, or Books, of Rites had suffered much more, after the death of Confucius, than the other ancient Classics. They were in a more dilapidated condition at the time of the revival of the ancient literature under the Han dynasty, and were then published in three collections, only one of which — the Record of Rites — retains its place among the King. The Record of Rites consists, according to the current ar- rangement, of 49 chapters or Books. Lew Heang see ch. The first of these reduced upwards of chapters, collected by Heang, to 89, and Shing reduced these again to The three other Books were added in the second century of our era.
Since his time, the Work has not received any further ad- ditions. In his note appended to what he calls the chapter of " Classical Text," Choo He says that the tablets of the " old copies " of the rest of The Great Learning were considerably out of order. I have related how the ancient Classics were cut on slabs of stone by imperial order, a. The same work was per- formed about seventy years later, under the so-called dynasty of Wei, between the years and , and the two sets of slabs were set up together.
The only difference between them was, that whereas the Classics had been cut in the first instance in three different forms, called the Seal character, the Pattern style, and the Imperfect form, there was substi- tuted for the latter in the slabs of Wei the oldest form of the characters, similar to that which has been described in con- nection with the discovery of the old Lun Yu in the wall of Confucius' house.
Amid the changes of dynasties, the slabs both of Han and Wei had perished before the rise of the T'ang dynasty, a. These slabs we can trace down through the Sung dynasty when they were known as the tablets of Shen. They were in exact conformity with the text of the Classics adopted by Ch'ing Henen in his commentaries.
The Sung dynasty did not accomplish a similar work it- self, nor has any one of the three which have followed it thought it necessary to engrave in stone in this way the ancient classics. About the middle of the 16th century, however, the literary world in China was startled by a re- port that' the slabs of Wei which contained The Great Learn- ing had been discovered. But this was nothing more than the result of an impudent attempt at an imposition, for which it is difficult to a foreigner to assign any adequate cause. The treatise, as printed from these slabs, has some trifling additions, and many alterations in the order of the text, but differing from the arrangements proposed by Choo He, and by other scholars.
There seems to be now no difference of opinion among Chinese critics that the whole affair was a forgery. I have said that it is possible that the tablets contain- ing the text were not arranged with sufficient care by him, and, indeed, anyone who studies the treatise attentively will probably come to the conclusion that the part of it forming the first six chapters of Commentary in the present Work is but a fragment.
It would not be a difficult task to propose an arrangement of the text different from any which I have yet seen ; but such an undertaking would not be interesting out of China. My object here is simply to mention the Chinese scholars who have rendered themselves famous or notorious in their own country, by what they have done in this way. The first was Ch'ing Haou, a native of Loh- yang in Ho-nan province, in the 11th century.
His designa- tion was Pih-shun, but since his death he has been known chiefly by the style of Ming-taou, which we may render the Wise-in-doctrine. The eulogies heaped on him by Choo He and others are extravagant, and he is placed immediately after Mencius in the list of great scholars. Doubtless he was a man of vast literary acquirements. The greatest change which he introduced into The Great Learning, was to read sin for tsHn, at the commencement, making the second object proposed in the treatise to be the renovation, of the people, instead of loviyig them.
This alter- ation and his various transpositions of the text are found in Maou Se-ho's treatise on " The attested text of The Great Learning. He followed Haou in the adoption of the reading " to renovate," instead of " to love. The Work, as proposed to be read by him, will be found in the volume of Maou just referred to. His arrangement of the text is that now current in all the editions of the Four Books, and it had nearly dis- placed the ancient text altogether.
The sanction of Imperial approval was given to it during the Yusn and Ming dynasties. In the editions of the five King published by them, only the names of the Doctrine of the Mean and The Great Learning were preserved. No text of these Books was given, and Se-ho tells us, that in the reign. Besides adopting the reading of sin for ts'in from the Ch'ing, and modifying their arrangements of the text. Choc He made other innovations. He first divided the whole into one chapter of Classical text, which he assigned to Con- fucius, and ten chapters of Commentary, which he assigned to the disciple Tsang.
Previous to him, the whole had been published, indeed, without any specification of chapters and paragraphs. He undertook, moreover, to supply one whole chapter, which he supposed, after his master Ch'ing, to be missing. The curious student may examine them there. Under the present dynasty, the tendency has been to de- preciate the labours of Choo He. The integrity of the text of Ch'ing Heuen is zealously maintained, and the simpler method of interpretation employed by him is advocated in preference to the more refined and ingenious schemes of the Sung scholars.
I have referred several times in the notes to a Work published a few years ago, under the title of " The Old Text of the sacred King, with Commentary and Discus- sions, by Lo Chung-fan of Nan-hae. He was a fine scholar, and had taken the second degree, or that of Keu-jin. His fami have published the work on The Great Learning, and o: or two others. He most vehemently impugns nearly eve: judgment of Choo He : but in his own exhibitions of t" meaning he blends many ideas of the Supreme Being and the condition of human natare, which he had learned fro the Christian Scriptures. The authorship of The Great Learning is a very dout ful point, and one on which it does not appear possible come to a decided conclusion.
Choo He, as I have stats in the last section, determined that so much of it was hin or Classic, being the very words of Confucius, and that i the rest was chuen, or Commentary, being the views of Tsai Sin upon the sage's words, recorded by Ids disciples. Thi he does not expressly attribute the composition of t Treatise to Tsang, as he is generally supposed to do. Wli he says, however, as it is destitute of external support, contrary also to the internal evidence.
The 4th chapt of Commentary commences with " The Master said. With regard to the Work having come from t disciples of Tsang Sin, recording their master's views, t paragraph in chapter 6th, commencing with " The discij Tsang said," seems to be conclusive against that hypothes So much we may be sure is Tsang's, and no more. Both Choo He's judgments muat. Who then was the author? An ancient tradition attri- butes it to K'ung Keih, the grandson of Confucius.
In a notice published at the time of their preparation, about the stone slabs of Wei, the following statement by Kea Kwei, a noted scholar of the 1st century, is quoted : — " When K'ung Keih was living, and in straits, in Sung, being afraid lest the lessons of the former sages should become obscure, and the principles of the ancient emperors and kings fall to the ground, he therefore made The Great Learning as the warp of them, and The Doctrine of the Mean as the woof.
There certainly is that agreement between the two treatises, which makes their common authorship not at all unlikely. Though we cannot positively assign the authorship of The Great Learning, there can be no hesitation in receiving it as a genuine monument of the Confucian school. There are not many words in it from the sage himself, but it is a faithful reflection of his teachings, written by some of his followers, not far removed from him by lapse of time.
It must synchronize pretty nearly with the Analects, and may be safely referred to the fourth century before our era. The worth of The Great Learning has been celebrated in most extravagant terms by many Chinese writers, and there have been foreigners who have not yielded to them in their estimation of it. Pauthier, in the " Argument Philo- sophique," prefixed to his translation of the Work, says : — " It is evident that the aim of the Chinese philosopher is to exhibit the duties of political government as those of the perfecting of self, and of the practice of virtue by all men.
When Choo He endeavours to make the title me '"The principles of Learning, which were taught in higher schools of antiquity," and tells us how at the a; 15 all the sons of the emperor, with the legitimate so; the nobles and high oflScers, down to the more prom: scions of the common people, all entei-ed these semins and were taught the difficult lessons here inculcated pity the ancient youth of China.
Such " strong meat not adapted for the nourishment of youthful minds, the evidence adduced for the existence of such educat institutions in ancient times is unsatisfactory, and fron older interpretation of the title we advance more easi contemplate the object and method of the Work. The olject is stated definitely enough in the ope paragraph : — " What The Great Learning teaches, is illustrate illustrious virtue ; to love the people ; and to ' Le Ta Heo, ou La Grande Etude. Paris, He has before him on one side the people, the masses of the empire, and over against them are those whose work and duty, delegated by Heaven, is to govern them, culminating, as a class, in " the son of Hea- ven," "the one man," the emperor.
From the 4th and 5th paragraphs, we see that if the lessons of the treatise be learned and carried into practice, the result will be that "illustrious virtue will be illustrated throughout the em- pire," which will be brought, through all its length and breadth, to a condition of happy tranquillity. This object is certainly both grand and good; and if a reasonable and likely method to secure it were proposed in the Work, lan- guage would hardly supply terms adequate to express its value. But the above account of the object of The Great Learning leads us to the conclusion that the student of it should be an emperor.
What interest can an ordinary man have in it? It is high up in the clouds, far beyond his reach. This is a serious objection to it, and quite unfits it for a place in schools, such as Choo He contends it once had. The writer, however, has made some provision for the general application of his instructions. He tells us, that from the emperor down to the mass of the people, all must consider the cultivation of the person to be the root, that is, the first thing to be attended to. As in his method, moreover, he reaches from the culti- vation of the person to the tranquillization of the Empire, through the intermediate steps of the regulation of the family, and the government of the State, there is room for setting forth principles that parents and rulers generally may find adapted for their guidance.
Pi thier calls the paragraphs where they occur instances oft sorites, or abridged syllogism. But they belong to rheto and not to logic. In offering some observations on these steps, and i writer's treatment of them, it will be well to separate thi into those preceding the cultivation of the person, and the following it ; and to deal with the latter first. TwO short paragraphs are all that i given to the illustration of the point, and they are vag genei-alities on the subject of men being led astray their feelings and affections.
The family being regulated, there will result from it t government of the State. First, the virtues taught in t family have their correspondences in the wider sphe: Filial piety will appear as loyalty. Fraternal submissi will be seen in respect and obedience to elders and superio: Kindness is capable of universal application. Second, " Frc the loving example of one family, a whole State becom loving, and from its courtesies the whole State becomes coui ecus. The State being governed, the whole empire will becoi peaceful and happy. Therfe is even less of connection, ho ever, in the treatment of this theme, between the prem: and the conclusion, than in the two previous chapters.
K 'thing is said about the relation between the whole empi and its component States, or any one of them. It is said once, "What is meant by ' The making the whole emp: peaceful and happy depends on the government of the Stat is this :— when the sovereign behaves to his aged, as t aged should be behaved to, the people become filial ; wh the sovereign behaves to his elders, as elders should be 1: haved to, the people learn brotherly submission ; when t sovereign treats compassionately the young and helple the people do the same.
The words which I have quoted are followed by a very- striking enunciation of the golden rule in its negative form, and under the name of the measuring square, and all the les- sons of the chapter are connected more or less closely with that. The application of this principle by a ruler, whose heart is in the first place in loving sympathy with the people, will guide him in all the exactions which he lays upon them, and in the selection of ministers, in such a way that he will secure the aflTections of his subjects, and his throne will be established, for "by gaining the people, the kingdom is gained; and, by losing the people, the kingdom is lost.
The objection to it is, that, as the last step of the climax, it does noi rise upon all the others with the accumulated force of their conclusions, but introduces us to new principles of action and a new hne of argument. This brief review of the writer's treatment of the con- cluding steps of his method wiU satisfy the reader that the execution is not equal to the design ; and, moreover, under- neath all the reasoning, and more especially apparent ia the 8th and 9th chapters of Commentary accoring to the ordinary arrangement of the work , there lies the assumption that example is all but omnipotent.
We find this principle pervading all the Confucian philosophy. And doubtless it is a truth, most important in education and government, that the influence of example is Very great. Yet in them the subject is pushed to -an extreme, and represented in an extravagant manner. Proceeding from the view of human nature that it is entirely good, and led astray only by influences from with- out, the sage of China and his followers attribute to personal example and to instruction a pdwer which we do not find that they actually possess.
The steps whicli precede the cultivation of the are more l? Here the Chinese moralist fails us. Accor' Choo He's arrangement of the Treatise, there is o: sentence from which we can frame a reply to the question. But even from the ex tion of them, we do not obtain the information wh desire on this momentous inquiry.
Indeed, the more I study the Work, the more si I become, that from the conclusion of what is now cal chapter of Classical text to the sixth chapter of Comm we have only a few fragments, which it is of no use to arrange, so as fairly to exhibit the plan of the i According to his method, the chapter on the connect; tween making the thoughts sincere and so rectifyi mental nature, should be preceded by one on the com of knowledge as the means of making the thoughts e and that again by one on the completion of knowlei the investigation of things, or whatever else the phr wiih may mean.
I am less concerned for the loss and which this part of the Work has suffered, because tli ject of the connection between intelligence and virtue fully exhibited in The Doctrine of the Mean, and wil under my notice in the review of that Treatise. Th ner in which Choo He has endeavoured to supply the about the perfecting of knowledge by the investiga things is too extravagant.
After exerting himself for a long time, he wiU suddenly find himself pos- sessed of a wide and far-reaching penetration. Then, the qualities of all things, whether external or internal, the subtle or the coarse, will be apprehended, and the mind, in its entire substance and its relation to things, will be perfectly intelligent. This is called the investigation of things. This is called the perfection of knowledge. Yerily this would be learning not for adults only, but even Methu- selahs would not be able to compass it. Yet for centuries this has been accepted as the orthodox exposition of the Classic.
Lo Chung-fan does not express himself too strongly when he says that such language is altogether incoherent. The author would only be "imposing on himself and others. The orthodox doctrine of China concerning the con- nection between intelligence and virtue is most seriously erroneous, but I will not lay to the charge of the author of The Great Learning the wild representations of the com- mentator of the twelfth century, nor need I make here any remarks on what the doctrine really is. After the exhibition which I have given, my readers will probably conclude that the Work before us is far from developing, as Pauthier asserts, " a systeni of social perfectionating which has never been equalled.
The Treatise has undoubtedly great merits, but they are not to be sought in the severity of its logical processes, or the large-mindod prosecution of any course of thought. We shall find them in the announcement of certain seminal principles, which, if recognized in government and the re- gulation of conduct, would conduce greatly to the happiness and virtue of mankind. I will conclude these observations by specifying four such principles.
First, The writer conceives nobly of the object of govern- ment, that it is to make its subjects happy and good. This may not be a sufiicient account of that object, but it is much to have it so clearly laid down to " all kings and governors," that they are to love the people, ruling not for their own gi-atification, but for the good of those over whom thoy are VOL.
Very important also is the statement that rulers have no divine right but what springs from the discharge of their duty. Goodness obtains it, and the want of goodness loses it. The influence of such' per- sonal excellence may be overstated, but by the requirement of its cultivation the writer deserved well of his country. Third, Still more important than the requirement of such excellence is the principle that it must be rooted in the state of the heart, and be the natural outgrowth of internal sin- cerity.
Fourth, I mention last the striking exhibition which we have of the golden rule, though only in its negative form. They are " commonplace," as the writer in the Chinese repository calls them, but they are at the same time eternal verities. But while it was thus made to form a part of the great collection of Works on Ceremonies, it maintained a separate footing of its own.
It thus appears, that the Chung Yung had been published and commented on separately long before the time of the Sung dynasty. The scholars of that, however, devoted special attention to it, the way being led by the famous Chow Leen-k'e. He was followed by the two brothers Ch'ing, but neither of them published upon it. Neither text nor ancient commen ary was given. Under the present dynasty it is not so.
In the supei edition of " The Five King," edited by a numerous con mittee of scholars towards the end of the reign K'ang-hi the Chung Yung is published in two parts, the ancient con mentaries from " The Thirteen King " being given side t side with those of Choo He. Chinese inquirei and critics are agreed on this point, and apparently on sufE cient grounds. There is indeed no internal evidence in th Work to lead us to such a conclusion. The external evidence, however, or that from tl testimony of authorities, is very strong. He was tlie son of Le, whose death took place b.
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I have not found it recorded in what year he was bom. Sze-ma Ts'een says he died at the age of In the " Plates and Notices of the Worthies, sacrificed to in the Sage's Temples," it is supposed that the 62 in the His- torical Records should be This variety of opinions simply shows that the point cannot be positively determined. To me it seems that the conjecture in the Sacrificial Canon must be pretty near the truth. It is related, that one day, when he was alone with the sage, and heard him sighing, he went up to him, and, bowing twice, inquired the reason of his grief.
Or is it that, in your admiration of the ways of Yaou and Shun, you are vexed that you fall short of them? The remark comes frequently into my thoughts, and fills me with great apprehension. But the tradition is that Tsze-sze was a pupil of Tsang Sin, who was born B. We must place his birth therefore considerably later, and suppose him to have been quite young when his father died.
I was talking once about the question with a Chinese friend, who observed : — " Lfe was 50 when he died, and his wife married again into a family of Wei. Vi'e can hardly think, there- fore, that she was anything like that age. Le could not have married so Boon as his father did. Perhaps he was about 40 when Keih was born. He smiled and said, " Now, indeed, shall I be wi' out anxiety! My undertakings will not come to noug They will be carried on and flourish.
But he received his struotions with discrimination, and in one instance which recorded in the Le Ke, the pupil suddenly took the place the master. We there read : — " Tsang said to Tsze-s ' Keih, when I was engaged in mourning for my paren neither congee nor water entered my mouth for seven day Tsze-sze answered, ' In ordering their rules of propriety, was the design of the ancient kings that those who would beyond them should stoop and keep by them, and that the who could hardly reach them should stand on tiptoe to do Thus it is that the superior man, in mourning for his paren when he has been three days without water or congee, tat a staff to enable himself to rise.
Another friend was ei boldened by this to send him a bottle of wine, but he d clined to receive it. You can assign no ground reason for it j and if you wish to show your independen you should do so completely. But the wine and the dried fle which you offer to me are the appliances of a feast. Foi poor man to be feasting is certainly unreasonable.
This the ground of myrofusingyourgift. I have no thought of s serting my independence. That scholar relates : — " Wh Keih was living in Wei, he wore a tattered coat, without a lining, and in 30 days had only nine meals. Poor as I am, I cannot think of my body as a ditch, and do not presume to accept your gift. But this circumstance, which is not at all creditable in Chinese estimation, did not alienate his affec- tions from her.
He was in Loo when he heard of her death, and proceeded to weep in the temple of his family. A dis- ciple came to him and said, " Your mother married again into the family of the Shoo, and do you weep for her in the temple of the K'ung? Tsze-sze's disciples were surprised and questioned him.
His observances increased or decreased as the case required. Bui I cannot attain to this. While she was my wife, she was Pih's mother ; when she ceased to be my wife, she ceased tc be Pih's mother. As a public cliaracterj we find him at the dacal courts of Weij Sung, LoOj and Pe, and at each of them held in high es- teem by the rijlers. To Wei he was carried probably by the fact of his mother having married into that State. We are told that the prince of Wei received him with great distinc- tion and lodged him honourably. On one occasion he said to him, " An officer of the State of Loo, you have not de- spised this small and narrow Wei, but have bent your steps hither to comfort and preserve it ; — vouchsafe to confer your benefits upon me.
If I should wish to requite it with good words, I am afraid that what I should say would not suit your ideas, so that I should speak-in vain, and not be listened to. The only way in which I can requite it, is by recommending to your notice men of worth. His guest then said, " In the eastern borders of your State, there is one Le Tin, who is a man of real worth.
The son of a husbandman can- not be fit for me to employ. I do not put into office all the cadets of those families even in which office is hereditary. Yet if you examine their beginnings, you will find that from the business of husbandry they came forth to found their States. I did certainly have my doubts that in the selection of your officers you did not have regard to their real character and capacity. The duko was silent. K'ung Keih. One account, quoted in " The Pour Books, Text and Commentary, with Proofs and Illustrations," says that he went thither in his 16th year, and having foiled an officer of the State, named Yo So, in a conversation on the Shoo-king, his opponent was so irritated at the disgrace put on him by a youth, that he listened to the advice of evil counsellors, and made an attack on him to put him to death.
The duke of Sung,- hearing the tumult, hurried to the rescue, and when Keih found himself in safety, he said, " When King Wan was im- prisoned in Yew-le, he made the Yih of Chow. My grand- father made the Ch'un Ts'ew after he had been in danger in Ch'in and Ts'ae. Shall I not make something when res- cued from such a risk in Sung? According to this account, the Chung Yurig was the work of Tsze-sze's early manhood, and the tradition has obtained a wonderful prevalence. The notice in "The Sacrificial Canon " says, on the contrary, that it was the work of his old age, when he had finally settled in Loo ; which is much more likely.
Of Tsze-sze in Pe, which could hardly be said to be out of Loo, we have only one short notice, — in Mencius, V. The duke indeed wanted to raise him to the highest office, but he declined this, and would only occupy the position of a " guide, philosopher, and friend. In his intercourse with the duke he spoke the truth to him fearlessly. In the " Cyclopaedia of Surnames," I find the following conversations, but I cannot tell from what source they are extracted into that work — " One day the duke said to Tsze-sze, ' The officer Heen told me that you do good without wishing for any praise from men ; — is it so?
When I cultiva what is good, I wish men to know it, for when they know and praise me, I feel encouraged to be more zealous in t cultivation. This is what I desire, and am not able to o tain. If I cultivate what is good, and men do not know it is likely that in their ignorance they will speak evil of n So by my good-doing I only come to be evil spoken of. Tl is what I do not desire, but am not able to avoid. In the ca of a man, who gets up at cockcrowing to practise what is goo and continues sedulous in the endeavour tiU midnight, ai says at the same time that he does not wish men to know lest they should praise him, I must say of such a man, ti if he be not deceitful he is stupid.
Tsze-sze replied him, " Of old, princes advanced their ministers to office a cording to propriety, and dismissed them in the same wa and hence there was that rule. But now-a-days princ bring their ministers forward as if they were going to tal them on their knees, and send them away as if they wou cast them into an abyss. If they do not treat them as the greatest enemies, it is well.
But we miss the reach of thoug and capacity for administration which belonged to the Sag ' This conversation is given in tlie Le Ke, II. His place in the temples of the Sage has been that of one of his four a-ssessors, since the year The Doctrine of the Mean is a work not easy to under- stand. Unroll it, and it fills the universe ; roll it up, and it retires and lies hid in secrecy.
The first chapter stands to all that follows in the character of a text, containing several propositions of which we have the expansion or development. If that develop- ment were satisfactory, we should be able to bring our own minds en rapport with that of the author. Unfortunately it is not so.
As a writer he belongs to the intuitional school more than to the logical. This is well put in the " Contin- uation of the General Examination of Literary Monuments and Learned Men : " — " The philosopher TsSng reached his conclusions by following in the train of things, watching and examining ; whereas Tsze-sze proceeds directly and reaches to heavenly virtue.
His was a mysterious power of dis- cernment, approaching to that of Yen Hwuy. Conduct in accordance with that nature constitutes what is right and true, — is a pursuing of the proper path. Confining himself, however, to the second axiom, he pro- ceeds to say that " the path may not for an instant be left, and that the superior man is cautious and careful in refer- ence to what he does not see, and fearful and apprehensive in reference to what he does not hear.
Comparing it with the 6th chapter of Commentary in The Great Learning, it seems to inculcate what is there called " making the thoughts sincere. When those feelings have been moved, and they all act in the due degree, we have what may be called the state of harmony. This equilibrium is the great root of the world, and this harmony is its uni- versal path. This nature acted on from without, and responding with the various emotions, so as always "to hit " the mark with entire correctness, produces the state of harmony, and such har- monious response is the path along which all human ac- tivities should proceed.
Finally, " Let the states of equilibrium and harmony exist in perfection, and a happy order will prevail throughout , heaven and earth, and all things will be nourished and flour- ish. The language, according to Choo He, " describes the meritorious achievements and transforming influence of sage and spiritual men in their highest extent. The paragraphs thus presented, and which constitute Choo He's first chapter, contain the sum of the whole Work.
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This is acknowledged by all; — by the critics who disown Ohoo He's interpretations of it, as freely as by him. Revolving them in my own mind often and long, I collect from them the following as the ideas of the author : — 1 st, Man has received from Heaven a moral nature by which he is constituted a law to himself; 2nd, Over this nature man requires to exercise a jealous watchfulness ; and 3rd, As he possesses it, absolutely and relatively, in perfection, or attains to such possession of itj he becomes invested with the highest dignity and power, and may say to himself — " 1 am a jod ; yea, I sit in the seat of God.
And here I may inquire whether we do right in calling the Treatise by any of the names which foreigners have hitherto used for it? In the note on the title, I have en- tered a little into this question. Where the phrase Chung Yung occurs in the quotations from Confucius, in nearly every chapter, from the 2nd to the 11th, we do well to trans- late it by "the course of the Mean," or some similar terms; but the conception of it in Tsze-sze's mind was of a different kind, as the preceding analysis of the first chapter sufficiently shows.
I may return to this point of the proper title for the Work again, but in the mean time we must proceed with the analysis of it. Confucius bewails the rarity of the practice of the Mean, and graphically. On the contrary, they inter- rupt the train of thought.
Instead of showing us how virtue, or the path of duty, is in accordance with our Heaven-given nature, they lead us to think of it as a mean between two extremes. Each extreme may be a violation of the law of our nature, but that is not made to appear. Confucius' sayings would be in place in illustrating the doctrine of the Peripatetics, " which placed all virtue in a medium be- tween opposite vices.
In the 12th chapter Tsze-sze speaks again himself, and we seem at once to know the voice. He begins by saying that " the way of the superior man reaches far and wide, and yet is secret," by which he means to tell us that the path of duty is to be pursued everywhere and at all times, while yet the secret spring and rule of it is near at hand, in the Heaven-conferred nature, the individual consciousness, with which no stranger can intermeddle.
Choc He, as will be seen in the notes, gives a different interpretation of the utterance. But the view which I have adopted is main- tained convincingly by Maou Se-ho in the second part of his " Observations on the Chung Yung. Tsze-sze liad reference in it also to what he had said — " The superior man does not wait till he sees things to be cautious, nor till he hears things to be apprehensive.
There is nothing more visible than what is secret, and nothing more manifest than what is minute. Therefore, the superior man is watchful over him- self when he is alone. Most of it consists of sayings of Confucius, but the senti- ments of Tsze-sze himself in his own language are inter- spersed with them. The sage of China has no higher utterances than those which are given in the 13th chapter : — " The path is not far from man. In the Book of Poetry it is said — ' In hewing an axe-handle, in hewing an axe-handle, The pattern is not far off.
Therefore, the superior man governs men according to their nature, with what is proper to them ; and as soon as they change what is wrong, he stops. When one cultivates to the utmost the moral principles of his nature, and exercises them on the principle of reciprocity, he is not far from the path.
What you do not like when done to your- self, do not do to others. Earnest in practising the ordin- ary virtues, and careful in speaking about them ; if in his practice he has anything defective, the superior man dares not bat exert himself, and if in his words he has any excess, he dares not allow himself such license. There is a certain narrov ness, indeed, in that the sphere of its operations seems to 1: confined to the relations of society, which are spoken more at large in the 20th chapter ; but let us not grudge tl: tribute of our warm approbation to the sentiments.
This chapter is followed by two from Tsze-sze, to tl effect that the superior man does what is proper in evei change of his situation, always finding his rule in himself and that in his practice there is an orderly advance froi step to step, — from what is near to what is remote. The follow five chapters from Confucius : — the first, on the open tion and influence of spiritual beings, to show " the man festness of what is minute, and the irrepressibleness sincerity ; " the second, on the filial piety of Shun, and ho it was rewarded by Heaven with the empire, with endurin fame, and with long life ; the third and fourth, on the kinj Wan and Woo, and the duke of Chow, celebrating them f their filial piety and other associate virtues ; and the fiftl on the subject of government.
These chapters are inte esting enough in themselves, but when I go back fro them, and examine whether I have from them any betti understanding of the paragraphs in the first chapter whi thoy are said to illustrate, I do not find that I have. Thr of them, the 17th, 18th, and 19th, would be more in plai in the Classic of Filial Piety than here in the Chung Yun The meaning of the 16th is shadowy and undefined.
Aft all the study which I have directed to it, there are son points in reference to which I have still doubts and dif culties. The 20th chapter, which concludes the third portion of tl VVork, contains a full exposition of Confucius' views i government, though professedly descriptive only of that the kings Wan and Woo. It sets forth in detail the " nine standard rules for the administration of government," which are " the cul- tivation by the ruler of his own character; the honouring men of virtue and talents ; affection to his relatives ; respect towards the great ministers; kind and considerate treat- ment of the whole body of officers ; cherishing the mass of the people as children ; encouraging aU classes of artizans ; indulgent treatment of men from a distance ; and the kindly cherishing of the princes of the States.
Doubtless it was the mention of "singleness," or " sincerity," in the 20th chapter, which made Tsze-sze introduce it into this Treatise, for from those terms he is able to go on to develope what he intended in saying, that " if the states of Equilibrium and Harmony exist in perfec- tion, a happy order will prevail throughout heaven and earth, and all things will be nourished and flourish. I have quoted the words of Confucius that it is " singleness," by which the three virtues of know- ledge, benevolence, and energy are able to carry into prac- tice the duties of universal obligation.
He says also that it is this same "singleness" by which "the nine standard rules of government " can be effectively carried out. This " singleness " is just a name for " the states of Equilibrium and Harmony existing in perfection. The former is boi-n with, some, and practised 1 them without any effort ; the latter is attained by study ai practised by strong endeavour. The former is " the way Heaven ; " the latter is " the way of men. He who attains to sincerity is ] who chooses what is good, and firmly holds it fast.
And i this attainment there are requisite the extensive study what is good, accurate inquiry about it, careful reflection c it, the clear discrimination of it, and the earnest practice it. And, mor over, others who are not so naturally may make themselv to become so. Some will have to put forth more effort ai to contend with greater struggles, but the end will be tl possession of the knowledge and the achievement of tl practice.
I need not say that these sentiments are contrary to tl views of human nature which are presented in the Bibl The testimony of Eevelation is that " there is not a just ms upon earth that doeth good and sinneth not. Neither the Scriptures of God nor the experience man know of individuals absolutely perfect. The oth sentiment that men can make themselves perfect is equal wide of the truth. Zi-lu said, "The vassal of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to administer the government.
What will you consider the first thing to be done? Why must there be such rectification? The superior man [Junzi] cannot care about the everything, just as he cannot go to check all himself! If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things. If language be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be carried on to success.
When affairs cannot be carried on to success, proprieties and music do not flourish. When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will not be properly awarded. When punishments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to move hand or foot. Therefore a superior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be spoken appropriately, and also that what he speaks may be carried out appropriately. What the superior man requires is just that in his words there may be nothing incorrect.
Since social harmony is of utmost importance, without the proper rectification of names, society would essentially crumble and "undertakings [would] not [be] completed. In Zhou theology, Tian had no singular earthly progeny, but bestowed divine favour on virtuous rulers. Zhou kings declared that their victory over the Shang was because they were virtuous and loved their people, while the Shang were tyrants and thus were deprived of power by Tian.
John C. Didier and David Pankenier relate the shapes of both the ancient Chinese characters for Di and Tian to the patterns of stars in the northern skies, either drawn, in Didier's theory by connecting the constellations bracketing the north celestial pole as a square,  or in Pankenier's theory by connecting some of the stars which form the constellations of the Big Dipper and broader Ursa Major , and Ursa Minor Little Dipper. By the 6th century BCE the power of Tian and the symbols that represented it on earth architecture of cities, temples, altars and ritual cauldrons, and the Zhou ritual system became "diffuse" and claimed by different potentates in the Zhou states to legitimise economic, political, and military ambitions.
Divine right no longer was an exclusive privilege of the Zhou royal house, but might be bought by anyone able to afford the elaborate ceremonies and the old and new rites required to access the authority of Tian. The population had lost faith in the official tradition, which was no longer perceived as an effective way to communicate with Heaven. Confucius — BCE appeared in this period of political decadence and spiritual questioning.
Confucius saw an opportunity to reinforce values of compassion and tradition into society. Disillusioned with the widespread vulgarisation of the rituals to access Tian, he began to preach an ethical interpretation of traditional Zhou religion. In his view, the power of Tian is immanent, and responds positively to the sincere heart driven by humaneness and rightness, decency and altruism.
Confucius conceived these qualities as the foundation needed to restore socio-political harmony. Like many contemporaries, Confucius saw ritual practices as efficacious ways to access Tian, but he thought that the crucial knot was the state of meditation that participants enter prior to engage in the ritual acts.
Philosophers in the Warring States period , both "inside the square" focused on state-endorsed ritual and "outside the square" non-aligned to state ritual built upon Confucius's legacy, compiled in the Analects , and formulated the classical metaphysics that became the lash of Confucianism. Going beyond the Master, they theorised the oneness of production and reabsorption into the cosmic source, and the possibility to understand and therefore reattain it through meditation. This line of thought would have influenced all Chinese individual and collective-political mystical theories and practices thereafter.
Since the s, there has been a growing identification of the Chinese intellectual class with Confucianism. In , the Center for the Study of Confucian Religion was established,  and guoxue started to be implemented in public schools on all levels. Being well received by the population, even Confucian preachers have appeared on television since The idea of a " Confucian Church " as the state religion of China has roots in the thought of Kang Youwei , an exponent of the early New Confucian search for a regeneration of the social relevance of Confucianism, at a time when it was de-institutionalised with the collapse of the Qing dynasty and the Chinese empire.
Some scholars also consider the reconstruction of lineage churches and their ancestral temples , as well as cults and temples of natural and national gods within broader Chinese traditional religion, as part of the renewal of Confucianism. Also, the Hong Kong Confucian Academy , one of the direct heirs of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, has expanded its activities to the mainland, with the construction of statues of Confucius, Confucian hospitals, restoration of temples and other activities. To govern by virtue, let us compare it to the North Star: it stays in its place, while the myriad stars wait upon it.
Analects 2. A key Confucian concept is that in order to govern others one must first govern oneself according to the universal order. When actual, the king's personal virtue de spreads beneficent influence throughout the kingdom. By being the "calm center" around which the kingdom turns, the king allows everything to function smoothly and avoids having to tamper with the individual parts of the whole. This idea may be traced back to the ancient shamanic beliefs of the king being the axle between the sky, human beings, and the Earth.
The emperors of China were considered agents of Heaven, endowed with the Mandate of Heaven. They hold the power to define the hierarchy of divinities, by bestowing titles upon mountains, rivers and dead people, acknowledging them as powerful and therefore establishing their cults. Confucianism, despite supporting the importance of obeying national authority, places this obedience under absolute moral principles that curbed the willful exercise of power, rather than being unconditional.
Submission to authority tsun wang was only taken within the context of the moral obligations that ruler's had toward their subjects, in particular benevolence jen. From the earliest periods of Confucianism, the Right of revolution against tyranny was always recognised by Confucianism, including the most pro-authoritarian scholars such as Xunzi. In teaching, there should be no distinction of classes. Analects Although Confucius claimed that he never invented anything but was only transmitting ancient knowledge Analects 7.
Many European and American admirers such as Voltaire and H. Creel point to the revolutionary idea of replacing nobility of blood with nobility of virtue. A virtuous commoner who cultivates his qualities may be a "gentleman", while a shameless son of the king is only a "small man. Another new idea, that of meritocracy , led to the introduction of the imperial examination system in China. This system allowed anyone who passed an examination to become a government officer, a position which would bring wealth and honour to the whole family.
The Chinese imperial examination system started in the Sui dynasty.
Over the following centuries the system grew until finally almost anyone who wished to become an official had to prove his worth by passing a set of written government examinations. The practice of meritocracy still exists today in across China and East Asia today. The works of Confucius were translated into European languages through the agency of Jesuit scholars stationed in China.
Translations of Confucian texts influenced European thinkers of the period,  particularly among the Deists and other philosophical groups of the Enlightenment who were interested by the integration of the system of morality of Confucius into Western civilisation. Confucianism influenced Gottfried Leibniz , who was attracted to the philosophy because of its perceived similarity to his own. It is postulated that certain elements of Leibniz's philosophy, such as "simple substance" and "preestablished harmony," were borrowed from his interactions with Confucianism.
Confucius has no interest in falsehood; he did not pretend to be prophet; he claimed no inspiration; he taught no new religion; he used no delusions; flattered not the emperor under whom he lived From the late 17th century onwards a whole body of literature known as the Han Kitab developed amongst the Hui Muslims of China who infused Islamic thought with Confucianism. Important military and political figures in modern Chinese history continued to be influenced by Confucianism, like the Muslim warlord Ma Fuxiang. Referred to variously as the Confucian hypothesis and as a debated component of the more all-encompassing Asian Development Model, there exists among political scientists and economists a theory that Confucianism plays a large latent role in the ostensibly non-Confucian cultures of modern-day East Asia, in the form of the rigorous work ethic it endowed those cultures with.
These scholars have held that, if not for Confucianism's influence on these cultures, many of the people of the East Asia region would not have been able to modernise and industrialise as quickly as Singapore , Malaysia , Hong Kong , Taiwan , Japan , South Korea and even China have done.
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For example, the impact of the Vietnam War on Vietnam was devastating, but over the last few decades Vietnam has been re-developing in a very fast pace. Most scholars attribute the origins of this idea to futurologist Herman Kahn 's World Economic Development: and Beyond. Other studies, for example Cristobal Kay's Why East Asia Overtook Latin America: Agrarian Reform, Industrialization, and Development , have attributed the Asian growth to other factors, for example the character of agrarian reforms, "state-craft" state capacity , and interaction between agriculture and industry.
After Confucianism had become the official 'state religion' in China, its influence penetrated all walks of life and all streams of thought in Chinese society for the generations to come. This did not exclude martial arts culture. Though in his own day, Confucius had rejected the practice of Martial Arts with the exception of Archery , he did serve under rulers who used military power extensively to achieve their goals.
In later centuries, Confucianism heavily influenced many educated martial artists of great influence, such as Sun Lutang ,  especially from the 19th century onwards, when bare-handed martial arts in China became more widespread and had begun to more readily absorb philosophical influences from Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. Some argue therefore that despite Confucius's disdain with martial culture, his teachings became of much relevance to it.
Confucius and Confucianism were opposed or criticised from the start, including Laozi 's philosophy and Mozi 's critique, and Legalists such as Han Fei ridiculed the idea that virtue would lead people to be orderly. In modern times, waves of opposition and vilification showed that Confucianism, instead of taking credit for the glories of Chinese civilisation, now had to take blame for its failures.
In the New Culture Movement , Lu Xun criticised Confucianism for shaping Chinese people into the condition they had reached by the late Qing Dynasty : his criticisms are dramatically portrayed in " A Madman's Diary ," which implies that Confucian society was cannibalistic. Leftists during the Cultural Revolution described Confucius as the representative of the class of slave owners. In South Korea , there has long been criticism. For example, South Korean writer Kim Kyong-il wrote an essay [ when? Kim said that filial piety is one-sided and blind, and if it continues social problems will continue as government keeps forcing Confucian filial obligations onto families.
Confucianism "largely defined the mainstream discourse on gender in China from the Han dynasty onward. Starting from the Han period, Confucians began to teach that a virtuous woman was supposed to follow the males in her family: the father before her marriage, the husband after she marries, and her sons in widowhood. In the later dynasties, more emphasis was placed on the virtue of chastity. The Song dynasty Confucian Cheng Yi stated that: "To starve to death is a small matter, but to lose one's chastity is a great matter.
This " cult of chastity " accordingly condemned many widows to poverty and loneliness by placing a social stigma on remarriage. For years, many modern scholars have regarded Confucianism as a sexist, patriarchal ideology that was historically damaging to Chinese women.
Further analysis suggests, however, that women's place in Confucian society may be more complex. She stresses the complementarity and equal importance of the male and female roles according to yin-yang theory, but she clearly accepts the dominance of the male. However, she does present education and literary power as important for women. In later dynasties, a number of women took advantage of the Confucian acknowledgment of education to become independent in thought.
Indeed, as Joseph A. Adler points out, "Neo-Confucian writings do not necessarily reflect either the prevailing social practices or the scholars' own attitudes and practices in regard to actual women. Ever since Europeans first encountered Confucianism, the issue of how Confucianism should be classified has been subject to debate. In the 16th and the 17th centuries, the earliest European arrivals in China, the Christian Jesuits , considered Confucianism to be an ethical system, not a religion, and one that was compatible with Christianity.
By the early 18th century, this initial portrayal was rejected by the Dominicans and Franciscans , creating a dispute among Catholics in East Asia that was known as the "Rites Controversy. Some critics view Confucianism as definitely pantheistic and nontheistic , in that it is not based on the belief in the supernatural or in a personal god existing separate from the temporal plane. On spirituality, Confucius said to Chi Lu, one of his students: "You are not yet able to serve men, how can you serve spirits?
Scholars recognise that classification ultimately depends on how one defines religion. Using stricter definitions of religion, Confucianism has been described as a moral science or philosophy. See also: Hundred Schools of Thought. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Part of a series on Confucianism Early History. Fundamental concepts. Confucianism by country. Confucian texts. Large seal. Small seal. Its full meaning is "man receiving instruction from Heaven". According to Kang Youwei , Hu Shih , and Yao Xinzhong , they were the official shaman-priests wu experts in rites and astronomy of the Shang, and later Zhou, dynasty.
Further information: Confucian theology. Main article: Tian. Main article: Ren Confucianism. Main article: Li Confucianism. Main article: Filial piety. Main article: Junzi. Main article: Rectification of names. See also: History of religion in China. Further information: Confucian churches , Lineage churches , and Temple of Confucius. See also: Confucian ritual religion and Holy Confucian Church. See also: Women in ancient and imperial China. Main article: Chinese Rites controversy. Demystifying the Chinese Economy. Cambridge University Press.
Religion in Global Civil Society. Oxford University Press. Wall Street Journal. State University of New York Press. In Ropp, Paul S. University of California Press. III, for the graphic interpretation of the character. Occasional Papers 5. Archived from the original on 16 January In Krech, Volkhard; Steinicke, Marion eds. Leiden: Brill. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag. Sinica Leidensia. XIX 2. State University of New York at Plattsburgh. Archived from the original on 3 December Philosophy East and West. University of Hawaii Press. Dictionary of Philosophy.
Philosophical Library. Chinese Text Project. New York: Columbia University Press, , SUNY Press. Chinese Family and Kinship. New York: Columbia University Press, Ames and Henry Rosemont, Jr. Paul Goldin translates it "noble man" in an attempt to capture both its early political and later moral meaning. The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Confucianism. New York: Rosen Publishing Group. Asia Policy 4. However, it can more broadly be interpreted as any kind of categorization of individuals. Ezra Pound and Confucianism: remaking humanism in the face of modernity. University of Toronto Press.
Journal of Islamic Studies. Retrieved 12 September Dudoignon; Hisao Komatsu; Yasushi Kosugi, eds. Intellectuals in the modern Islamic world: transmission, transformation, communication. London: Routledge. Retrieved 28 June Third World Quarterly 23 6 : pp. Archived from the original on 23 February Retrieved 10 June Archived from the original on 15 April Winter Women in the Teaching of Chinese Religions".
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XIV, no. Retrieved 18 May Women and the Family in Chinese History. Confucianism and Women: A Philosophical Interpretation. Hackett Publishing. Confucius and Confucianism: The Essentials. John Wiley and Sons Ltd. Lexington Books. It also summarizes the debate in contemporary academia regarding the phrase's meaning. Adler, Joseph A. William Theodore De Bary Clart, Philip