SearchWorks Catalog Stanford Libraries. Civil society and the state in left-led Latin America : challenges and limitations to democratization. Responsibility edited by Barry Cannon and Peadar Kirby. Physical description xi, p. Online Available online. Full view. Green Library. C Unknown. More options. Find it at other libraries via WorldCat Limited preview. Contributor Cannon, Barry. Kirby, Peadar. Bibliography Includes bibliographical references p. Contents Introduction 1. Globalization, democratization and state-civil society relations.
State-civil society relations in post-crisis Argentina - Christopher Wylde 4. Rafael Correa's government, social movements and civil society in Ecuador - Carlos de la Torre 6. State-civil society relations during student mobilizations in Chile in and - Rene Jara Reyes Part 2: Localized conflicts in a globalized age: extractivism, social policy and participation in left-led states 8.
The return of the state and new extractivism. Chile's mining unions and the 'new left', - Jewellord T. Nem Singh Part 3: The global, the national and the local: broadening participation? Civil society participation. London: Routledge. Weber is no doe-eyed International Relations perfectibilist, but still this is an ambitious hope, beating to an Enlightenment pulse which some think is better How Fighting Ends: A History of Surrender by dead and buried.
In military history and war studies questions as to why After a succinct introduction, the book leads in with wars begin, how fighting proceeds and the implications a discussion on applying ethics to public policy debates. The Philosophers have a helpful role to play here, says present volume, in contrast, deals with the history of Weber, and should not remove themselves from trying surrender and capitulation.
It addresses questions as to to piece together the practical implications of their how, when and why battles end, focusing on different typically more abstract pursuits in this domain. Next, levels of combat — that is, on individual soldiers, com- he moves to the vexed issue of how to reconcile manding officers and entire societies or nations. Its religious or ideologically motivated arguments in the contributions thereby seek to find comparable elements policy-making arena. The solution suggested entails for surrender in different wars, periods and societies. The main part of the book is dedicated paradigm of fallibility.
Fallibility is an epistemological to analyses of the inter- national wars of the nine- virtue for experimentalists who are willing to revise teenth and twentieth centuries, ending in the present what they currently know when confronted with new, with articles on asymmetric wars and global terrorism. Again, the underlying presuppo- fighting ends, depending on the particular cultural, sition is critical thinkers oriented by enlightened political and military norms and conditions of the rational compasses.
Weber continues on in this vein specific epoch. The chapters typically provide examples forces involved. Whereas the contributions clearly of world cities in networks focused on a specific area, elaborate these differences and specificities, they do such as environmental protection or North—South explicate some common ground. For instance, surren- relations. Two of of-war status. The strongest chapters are the three that close changing nature of warfare. It should be noted that Sassen and Taylor have written more extensively elsewhere and with better results on global cities than they do in this Cities and Global Governance: New Sites for collection.
McCartney and Klaus Segbers the way to future research that may be of greater eds. Farnham: Ashgate, The book appears to be aimed at Representing the West by Andreas Behnke. As Andreas Behnke notes, global cities analysis, though the main difference from contrary to predictions in the early s, the Alliance her previous work and this chapter can be found in her has been preserved and expanded p. In the book, comments on the sub-prime crisis in the United States Behnke tries to explain the transformations that have and its ripple effects through the global city network.
In other words, the author format proves highly effective at drawing out the attempts to explore the efforts put into adapting the rationale behind the difficult decisions made by the organisation to a post-bipolar world and to the new Carter and Reagan administrations towards the war. The restructuring of the relationship with the Russian Fed- discussions also tackle the question of whether the eration. The reader will benefit from a well-written have been driven primarily out of a fear that an Iranian chapter that explains this central issue in understanding victory was likely and that this would have dire con- the challenges to which NATO has had to become sequences for United States interests in the region.
For accustomed. Two central questions concern the degree this very reason, the former officials argue, the admin- to which the Alliance is flexible in the face of changing istration was willing to largely ignore Iraqi use of threats and its increasing number of members. The chemical weapons and continue to provide Iraq with topic selection is well-articulated and integrates critical military intelligence. The volume brings Lebanon, or whether there was a belief that a rap- much relevant knowledge to the reader, and its find- prochement with Iran was possible. On this question ings respond to the initial questions not only in the former officials present an administration deeply Europe, but also at the global level.
Further important revelations that emerge from the Andrei Alexandru Babadac Independent scholar discussions include the fact that Washington believed it had very little leverage over Baghdad during the war, the complete lack of US knowledge of what was Becoming Enemies: US-Iran Relations and the happening internally within the Iranian regime, and Iran-Iraq War, — by James Blight, Janet serious American concerns of Soviet intervention in M.
John Tirman. The book is centred on a those wishing to understand the roots of the current series of discussions held between scholars and former US-Iranian hostility. American officials on many of the most salient aspects Stephen Ellis of United States policy during the conflict. Abingdon: Routledge, South Africa. Finally, Risse provides a more theoretical The book foreign policy analysis and European foreign policy. Divided into three — Cambridge: tions function empirically. Polity Press, They argue that Carlsnaes, through his tional relations discourse, and like the mythical Hydra it piece in International Studies Quarterly,1 brought a new seems that when one complexity is addressed, several dimension to the debate that has informed the schol- other complexities rise in its place.
Following in the arship of many researchers ever since. This is a strong feminist overview of the debate and its meaning and role in collection that targets a specific audience within its own shaping the study of international relations and foreign field, but it certainly will appeal to students of interna- policy.
Ringmar, Ekengren and Parker then provide tional relations through its approachable writing style. Gender is placed at the heart of this agency—structure debate to the study of foreign policy collection and is conceptualised as a framework for per se. Much of the attention is devoted to European understanding how men and women experience wars.
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They provide examples of women engaging in economy will prove difficult. The case of the Sudanese women these conclusions, with Jennifer Clapp looking at how engaging in peace processes serves as an example of food security, and Donna Lee the market for cotton, how women have campaigned for peace beyond impact on the poorest and what would be required grassroots levels. The chapters the most impoverished. The next section draws in five are well thought out and address the central theme of insiders trade negotiators and WTO diplomats to add the book.
Methodologically, it bridges the gap a different set of considerations. These chapters offer between the theories that shape our understanding of interesting first-hand testimony about the stalled wars by providing empirical narratives that offer a criti- Round, but also in places demonstrate the at least cal eye into the theme of women and wars. In a world partial co-option of negotiators from developing coun- plagued with emerging conflict situations, it is impera- tries into the dominant discourse at the WTO.
The tive that we understand the challenges that wars pose final section again emphasises Sub-Saharan Africa and and Women and Wars provides a feminist insight and maps the consequences of various putative outcomes highlights some significant dilemmas. The volume also includes The Johannes- burg Statement on the Doha Development Agenda from the Esther Akanya University of Nottingham January Global Poverty Summit, demonstrating neatly that this is a book that links academic debates and analysis with the communities and individuals Symbolic Power in the World Trade Organiza- involved in these negotiations.
Abingdon: Routledge, This approach is well set Scott would have it, the talks remain deadlocked. Trade, heterodox opinions; and the social valuation of par- Poverty, Development presents a snapshot of the current ticular context and speakers. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, As one of the most accurate and theoretically the negotiations. Again, this is a useful perspective on ground-breaking books on just war theory in recent the practitioner chapters in Trade, Poverty, Development, years, this study advances a new perspective in the which demonstrate this partial failure to establish a research on conflict in general, and on the role of single agreed approach.
Indeed, at times of most secession in particular. The author makes a compel- especially as it is merely a ground-clearing exercise for ling argument and demonstrates that the causes and the development of his Bourdieu-inspired approach to circumstances of wars are elements that condition dif- the issues set out in the later chapters.
Otherwise, this ferently the process of post-war peace-building. Trade, Poverty, Development is well- war and the various patterns of conflict resolution are assembled, but as with most snapshots, will swiftly detailed by reference to cases such as the Sri Lankan move from a timely analysis to a book of largely civil war, the war in the Falkland Islands and the historical interest often the case with books with conflicts in the Balkans.
These provide the background strong advocacy credentials. Nevertheless, read for a strong analysis of the principles of justice that together today these books tell us something useful, if captures the multilayered complexity of just war depressing, about international trade relations, and for theory. Particular attention is paid to the categories of anyone interested in understanding the current state of ad bellum, in bello and post bellum and to how these play with the Doha Round they represent an interest- affect the end of the war.
Furthermore, Fixdal explains ing and immediate opportunity for further thought and both the consequential dimension of opting for seces- reflection. The author explains the global application of human rights through the acceleration of regional, trans- Vladimir Rauta University of Nottingham national and other non-state actors, and yet he prioritises the supremacy of the EU, the European Court of Justice and other European NGOs in Human Rights in International Relations by universalising human rights, even with regard to the David P.
Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- legitimation of labour rights by the EU. Forsythe does sity Press, The celebration of the ICC fails to central value of human rights in present-day interna- mention that the list is only of Africans who were tional relations, and David Forsythe states that he prosecuted. The author adopts a liberal and though these are the most important human rights on Eurocentric approach to framing his analysis. The the globe. The next six chapters depict others. These chapters outline the inextricable human rights through case studies will provide a useful link between human rights, sovereignty and liberalism.
Forsythe presents the development of regional organi- R. Sarulakshmi sations i. Although Forsythe later affirms the role of rounded the Arab Spring, Genocide and Its Threat to the state in implementing human rights standards Contemporary International Order is a timely and insightful through foreign policy, he concludes that this is merely addition to the literature on genocide, and humanitarian a change in the nature of sovereignty, and not an intervention more generally.
In general, the informed by two broad and interrelated objectives: first, author is addressing a mainstream audience while to encourage International Relations scholars to focus others are excluded, although he does provide an illu- more on genocide p. The discrepancy genocide and international order via an exploration of between his reconstructed pure conception and the inter- legitimacy and the United Nations.
It presupposed that that facilitate the promotion of international order, states would, for the most part, fulfil this duty. The then clearly we must have an interest in preserving its purpose of Crimes against Humanity law, as men- legitimacy. The inability of the UN to prevent or halt tioned time and again in the book, was to give indi- genocide constitutes a grave diminution of its legiti- viduals rights against their own government, which macy and thus the link between genocide prevention could be upheld by other governments or an interna- and international order is made.
Gallagher advances a tional court. This Yet it is the unrestricted conception of Crimes book, therefore, almost uniquely avoids both the against Humanity that makes this book so valuable. It Realist and pro-R2P perspectives on genocide pre- is because the pure concept leaves so much open to vention and humanitarian intervention and advances a question that the reader is exposed, with the aid of theoretically informed defence of a new disposition lucid prose and rigorous argument, to such a wide and that is based on reason and logic rather than emotion.
Genocide and Its Threat to Contemporary International Readers will learn not only about the nature of the Order is an important, fresh perspective on this sadly law, but also about the predicates underlying it, the perennial issue. Tracey Transfer by Sonja C. Heidelberg: Springer, German builds her fundamental argument on exter- Therefore, externally originated regional Grover posits that the recruitment of child soldiers is cooperation initiatives have not improved collabora- not only a violation of the rights of children and a tion on high-profile matters.
Based on investigation of war crime, but also an act of genocide. According to cases ranging from common security challenges and Grover, recruitment of child soldiers is akin to the differing foreign policy strategies of the locals to genocidal crime of forcible transfer of children from examination of diverging policies of external powers one group to another.
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Her argu- powers for influence are solved, and unless the local ment, however, is not that this transference of chil- states turn towards each other for security, future ini- dren from their native group threatens the native tiatives will not bear effective results. This is a novel idea in interna- overall picture of regional affairs and examining the tional criminal law. The fact that children are forcibly removed Complexes to the South Caucasus, which clarifies from their communities of origin and that there are negative security interdependence among the locals.
The problem here, however, is that despite the examination of the foreign policy and security chal- intention to separate children from their communities lenges of the three states. It might have been useful to and to remodel them into something other than the have had a slightly greater focus on the impact of the children that they were e. Nevertheless, this group. The with a focus on the European Union and the UN.
These types of protected by the Genocide Convention. Hamburg also has an in-depth understand- ing of how to build cooperation across prestigious and Give Peace a Chance: Preventing Mass Violence powerful organisations as evidenced in a number of his by David A. Hamburg and Eric Hamburg. These forms of discourse are not always brought to the fore in peace research.
This series of ideas is harvested from from areas such as a mainstream International Relations a range of scholarship mostly from natural and social or a Security Studies perspective. United Nation agencies, and in dialogue with a range London: Routledge, Recurrent themes in this volume include the need for Constructing Global Enemies explores the highly relevant more peace-focused and research-informed violence pre- issue of identity construction based on hegemonic vention centres, the importance of addressing genocide- practices generating the images of the Other in inter- related indicators prior to crisis moments, and the value of national politics.
As the fight against terrorism and drug crafting peace by employing superordinate goals requir- abuse scores high on the political agenda of many ing cooperation among actors.
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By using a the Hamburgs. Part II of ment of hegemonic orders at the international level is the book suggests peace promotion roles for specific subject to a dual process of discursive homogenisation political actors including democratic nation states with of the Other and a simultaneous creation of a cohesive particular emphasis on the United States , the North vision of the Self. Instead, it is situ- especially, departing from a post-colonial approach. In the context of this plishes in her latest book. In order to accomplish this, hegemonic projects are suppressed.
Inspired, among Jabri traces the trajectory of the post-colonial subject in others, by the writings of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal three interrelated temporal and spatial locations: the Mouffe, the book highlights the notion of discursive colonial modernity, the post-colonial international and hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies. In addition, both discourses articu- takes different configurations in each temporal and late ultimate and common goals to overcome the col- spatial location problematised by the author. Further- lective problems at hand.
However, there are striking more, Jabri evinces that, in each one of these locations, differences between them. While in the drugs case a the post-colonial subject faced technologies of power constitution of a hegemonic order at the international and domination which sought, and continue to seek, level was successful, the discourse on terrorism could to suppress such claim.
Nevertheless, the author perhaps tional politics. Still, the book leaves the problem of inten- political community. In addition to it being very hard tionality in the hegemonic projects open. Certainly, to pinpoint the foundational moment of such a process, it is not easy to bring post-structual theory and in several post-colonial environments — notwithstand- rational actorness together. Nonetheless, this could ing the enormous importance that the declaration of be the next step towards further cross-fertilisation independence had — the anti-colonial struggle had a between reflexive and rational approaches in the dis- much larger impact in constituting the post-colonial cipline of International Politics.
The book engages with a wide range of critical and Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski University of Wroclaw post-colonial theorists. However, it would have ben- efitted from greater engagement with de-colonial scholars — namely Latin American ones. Latin America — Jabri. The book is easy to read and extremely informative about foreign policy. As current Ramon Blanco University of Coimbra, Portugal battles over recognition endure, and the issue of seces- sion continues to gain importance in international poli- tics, the argument advanced in this study is an The Foreign Policy of Counter Secession: Pre- important contribution to our understanding of how venting the Recognition of Contested States by states design and implement their foreign policy of James Ker-Lindsay.
Oxford: Oxford University counter-recognition. Press, The Foreign Policy of by Nicholas J. Kiersey and Iver B. Neumann Counter Secession seeks to fill this gap. The central eds. Ana- The cult classic television series Battlestar Galactica has lysing the foreign policy efforts of Cyprus, Georgia and found many fans in the corridors of International Serbia, Ker-Lindsay brilliantly explains how these states Relations departments.
The show tells the story of Kosovo, respectively. Having evolved, they return and of contesting secession is about defending specific launch an all-out attack. Roughly 50, humans interests, real or perceived, while preventing recogni- survive in space, where they are rescued and protected tion is about process and strategy.
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After a brief discus- by the battle cruiser, the Galactica. The main series sion of how the practice of recognition has evolved in aired during the Iraq War, and in its gritty realism, its international politics since the emergence of the moral and political seriousness, and its complex plot modern state Chapter 1 , and presenting the current lines and characterisations it easily served as a proxy for cases of contested secession Chapter 2 , the ensuing some of the most difficult and challenging questions five chapters investigate the reasons why states oppose and discussions that a nation at war might face.
Ker-Lindsay intelligently incorporates into the analysis, The book commences with a discussion of critical and cleverly discusses, other reasons such as those humanism, where key questions about the boundary of related to emotions, culture, history and economics. In humanity are raised — a complex matter given the regard to the process and strategy of counter- relationships between humans, cylons and moral per- recognition, the author argues that in addition to state sonhood.
For instance, although the signifi- religion plays in the series. There are also important and insightful examination of each of them within ten pages. In chapters on security, civil-military relations and insur- addition, the way in which the book is set out is gency. Further- for IR theorists and Battlestar Galactica fans alike. Langlois Flinders University, Adelaide as anthro-political interpretations of peace-building, microlevel analysis from the perspective of households and non-normative examination of the roles of civil Routledge Handbook of Peacebuilding by Roger society.
MacGinty ed. Hence, the publication of this Hand- excluded. In addition, as the editor admits, non- book is welcome news to many practitioners and schol- Western perspectives are not vigorously pursued. Regarding its potential readership, although the con- This publication consists of 29 chapters that are tents are written in plain English, the Handbook is more categorised into six parts.
The first three parts deal with suited to postgraduate students or researchers in this the concepts, theories and approaches towards peace- field rather than to students who have just begun to building. Part I presents perceptual and theoretical explore peace-building. Part II discusses four themes that have influenced peace-building practices: gender, religion, Worldviews of Aspiring Powers: Domestic reconciliation and memory. Nau and Deepa science disciplines. Ollapally eds. Oxford: Oxford University Press, In the latter half of the book, a wide range of Consequently, Worldviews Matthew D.
Moreover, it provides a rare insight into policy debates within countries too often World of Our Making: Rules and Rule in Social neglected by Western international relations. Generally well-documented and structivist Social Theory. This arguably con- point of departure in IR scholarship. Sometimes, however, this disciplinary paradigm p. In this process, language is both formative might give us an indication of the kind of world order and representative of rules.
Three forms of speech acts that will emerge under their influence. Their major — directives, assertives and commissives — express rules outlooks are political self-reliance, putting little stock through directions, instructions and commitments, in international institutions, privileging great powers respectively. Through this universalist pretensions in favour of more strictly hypothesis, Onuf argues that these rules govern indi- national aspirations.
In human senses pp. Some will find such a conclusion overly on the need for continued economic growth, which constrictive or reductive of the complexity of human- has come to depend on economic globalisation p. This may indicate that while economic given to speech in this approach. Thus, philosophers and so, which seems likely, will result in prolonged global social theorists, in addition to IR scholars, will find economic crisis and instability as the unravelling occurs value in World of Our Making.
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However, this book is in a painfully uncoordinated and crisis-driven fashion. One of the plement or critically engage contemporary IR scholar- consequences of this writing style, however, is that ship — constructivist or otherwise. A return to World of referencing is sparse — sometimes to the extent that the Our Making is warranted both for its own merits and reader is left to take it on trust that the arguments and for consideration of its impact on the field.
It also means that the theoretically contending views tend not to be Michael Newell Syracuse University fleshed out. The book is also heavily nation-state- centric in its analysis, with imbalances between nation states identified as the core cause of global economic The Great Rebalancing: Trade, Conflict and the instability.
More could have been done to highlight the Perilous Road Ahead for the World Economy by distributive issues within nation states. More also could Michael Pettis. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University have been done to explore the reason that imbalance- Press, In this book, Michael Pettis presents a clearly written David Bailey discussion that focuses on what he argues are the University of Birmingham central causes of the current global economic crisis, each of which are interrelated and represent the Contemporary Conflict Resolution by Oliver inverse of each other: the American trade deficit and Ramsbotham, Tom Woodhouse and Hugh Miall.
Chinese trade surplus; the high level of consumption Cambridge: Polity, In Part I the authors imbalance. Thus, Chinese monetary and investment set out to define the components and features of conflict policy have combined to repress domestic consump- resolution and focus on its most important yet notable tion, to increase savings and to export capital in the factors — namely peace-building, reconciliation, peace- form of Chinese purchase of American government keeping and peacemaking.
The necessary unravelling of these sidered in terms of peacemaking efforts. According to the authors, As a conflict resolution state actors. The theoretical frame- policy p. These are effective examples rogue states to conclude that the backlash against the showing how to characterise tasks of resolution. Each norm is clear, even for readers who are new to the field. The author integrates these in such a exemplifying the specific topic.
The writing is very clear manner that the book becomes more than just a sum of and the sources chosen for the book are used in a its parts. I have only one criticism: although the It is beyond the scope of this review to analyse the authors talk in part about critiques of conflict resolu- four tests presented in each chapter. I therefore urge tion, I would prefer more analysis of critical resolution. Aytac Kadioglu University of Nottingham norms, American foreign policy and hegemony to read this book. Yes, it has limitations; at times, the theoretical framework does feel as though it is pulling in a number Sovereignty and the Responsibility to Protect: of different directions, and the reader may be disap- The Power of Norms and the Norms of the pointed to discover that it focuses on George W.
New York: two terms with only fleeting references given to devel- Routledge, This is essentially an exploration of hegemonic Cohen to name just a few add to the vibrancy of the lawmaking, which analyses American foreign policy in study, and overall this is a thoroughly enjoyable, far- relation to the three norms of mass atrocity prevention, reaching and refreshing analysis.
A brilliant book. To gauge Adrian M. Gallagher the scope of the book it is important to explain that it has University of Leeds four central chapters — excluding the introduction and conclusion. As the subtitle states, the text tics: Western International Theory, — Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. This is conducted Jamie Jordan University of Nottingham through a range of essays that analyse the processes of colonial conditions, cultural contexts and the possibil- ities for moving beyond Western constructs of the Who Wins?
Predicting Strategic Success and nation state. Failure in Armed Conflict by Patricia L. In substantive form, the book takes the following Oxford: Oxford University Press, He also of the big questions in the field of international secu- calls on us to re-orient towards the non-West, which rity. Why do great powers lose wars against much the rest of the text does with great efficacy.
The weaker opponents? The second section moves to explore how dependent they are on target compliance and various cultural contexts, with a focus on Islamic demo- military strategies punishment or denial in nature cratic participation and political thought Chapters 6 with measures of destructive capacity and cost toler- and 7, respectively , Japanese humanism Chapter 8 ance to explain when states are likely to achieve their and contemporary Chinese International Relations political objectives through military force. She finds, inter alia, that the balance of and radical anti-colonial thought in Africa Chapter In essence, the re-invigorate the field of IR through differentiated more compliance-dependent a political objective, the understanding of such a historical process.
Any student Overall, the model is logically consistent and has a of IR who does not take such texts to offer a stronger predictive power than its rival theories. Against this background, Waldman deconstructs the trinity by making use of a methodology that remains Evan A. Laksmana Syracuse University consistent throughout the entire book. The analysis of the trinity is clear and comprehensive, and captures the theoretical complexity of passion, chance and policy.
Further- reader. However, much of the ink with which Clausewitz has been written about Humanitarian Intervention by Thomas G. As a modern lector belli, Waldman departs from ing of human beings. Next, he looks at historical Comparative cases of humanitarian intervention in order to provide empirical background for comprehending controversies Coping with Crisis: Government Reactions to surrounding this concept. Western governments responded to the economic These interventions revealed that despite the increasing crisis that erupted in and The answer robustness of normative consensus, practical action follows three perspectives: international institutions remains inconsistent.
The easy flow of arms across borders s; and the most common explanations from the and facilitation of cross-border illegal activities contrib- current literature on economic policy making in good ute to the fragility of quasi-states and diminishing role times are of surprisingly little help in understanding of international humanitarian laws. Humanitarian crisis management. The first part agenda, shifting from emergency relief to attacking deals with the international level of the crisis. Iversen root causes and post-conflict peace-building.
Weiss and Soskice argue that national responses to interna- subsequently provides the details of the contemporary tional regulatory efforts pre- and post-crisis are best norm of R2P, focusing on the ground-breaking work understood from the perspective of national govern- of the International Commission on Intervention and ments promoting and trying to control the high value- State Sovereignty ICISS. Finally, Weiss examines what clusion concurs, arguing that the significance of global differences changing norms make to victims on the bodies like the G20, and international cooperation ground, emphasising the urgent need to translate more generally, is easily overstated.
Things are not agreed principles into universally delivered practices. Not only is it pitched at students looking for response can be explained with reference to domestic a clear and concise guide on the moral and political political processes in Germany and France; and challenges of humanitarian intervention, but above all Armingeon and Baccaro argue that domestic institu- it is addressed to policy makers who are supposed to tions and politics in the less powerful EU countries translate discourses into actions.
That is too bad, since innovative and in-depth methodological analysis pro- it results in a lack of connection between the contri- duced by qualitative and quantitative research. Carstensen Copenhagen Business School passing through the future of political parties, it seems that role theory could gain a paramount place in insti- tutional studies. Summing up, this book represents an Parliamentary Roles in Modern Legislatures by important text for all scholars devoted to the study of Magnus Blomgren and Olivier Rozenberg eds.
Parliamentary Roles in Modern Legislatures deals with a Eugenio Salvati topic that has gained little attention from scholars University of Pavia during the last years: the study of different roles within legislatures. The renewal of interest in the study of Roads to Regionalism: Genesis, Design and roles is very closely linked to New Institutionalism. The two unable to discard. They focus almost exclusively on the editors pay particular attention to the problematic rela- benefits that states accrue from creating regional tion between the theoretical framework of role theory organisations; they emphasise functional similarities and the real political behaviour of members of parlia- across regionalist experiments over how such organi- ment MPs and the difficult use of roles as dependent sations diverge in structure; and they assume that the or independent variables.
European Union represents the standard against which All of the contributors try to demonstrate by means other cases can most usefully be measured. Roads to of rich empirical material, covering the analysis of Regionalism runs true to form in all three respects. Indepen- Niklas Aschhoff spells out the economic pp. Closely following Andres Malamud, the entire country. Indeed, the book raises a number of imp- member state presidents. It also identifies more vulnerable to shifts in global trade, which leads some structural conditions, such as dependence on them to adopt flexible regionalist structures, whereas natural resources, which constrain the move to greater Canada, Mexico and the United States are more vul- democracy — a cautionary tale for advocates of insti- nerable to each another and thus construct rigid and tutional fixes for political problems.
Annika Korte adds that There is some good news for policy makers, though. ASEAN and NAFTA display mechanisms to settle dis- For example, one of the chapters suggests that democ- putes that reflect the commercial interests of their racy, in the long run, tends to have a positive impact respective member states. And Kai Striebinger shows on economic performance. For example, it consolidation of state capacity in Southeast Asia, respec- problematises a dominant tendency in the literature of tively. That quest remains before us.
The book emphasises the importance of studying hybrid regimes in their own right and suggests research questions that need to be The Dynamics of Democratization: Dictator- addressed to pursue this line of inquiry, such as the ship, Development and Diffusion by Nathan J. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins logics of hybridity that explain their longevity and effect. University Press, The book would have benefited from a substantive theoretical conclusion. Nevertheless, it is a welcome addition to This edited collection addresses the interrelated phe- the literatures on ethnic politics and conflict regulation.
It illuminates the dynamics of interaction practitioners, political scientists and sociologists, espe- between separatist movements, their host states and cially those specialising in conflict studies as well as in outside actors. A general chapter looks at how the comparative politics and international relations more principle of national self-determination has been broadly. This is fol- lowed by a wide variety of case studies 13 in total Managing Terrorism and Insurgency: Regenera- ranging from the former Soviet Union to the Balkans, tion, Recruitment and Attrition by Cameron I.
Tibet and Taiwan. Using p. The author scruti- separatism. He is sceptical regarding repression. He tial propensity of secessionists to use armed force. Even scholars, the author ent chapters vary quite significantly in terms of the asserts, are doubtful about the benefits governments scope of empirical analysis and the extent and depth of derive from restricting liberties p. Each group tion rules and competing visions of democracy.
Violence is unwanted, but Party in Austria, Downs argues that the outlawed party when pushed to the wall and peaceful change is denied actually gained support and the pariah included in the one should expect people to react. Although it contains some minor tions. He concludes that electoral thresholds, stronger typographical errors, it is an exciting read.
Nonetheless, the book is a European extremism. Stony Brook University Using case studies and survey data, Downs offers a theoretical framework for understanding why countries Politics in Deeply Divided Societies by Adrian react differently to the pariah parties and for explaining Guelke. Drawing upon the will want to read. External mediation and Elspeth Guild and Sandra Mantu eds. Farnham: the role of external powers in conflict management in Ashgate, In Chapter 2, he identifies various sources of cies are built; and 2 , partly, how these policies affect division in deeply divided societies; nevertheless, he the lived experience of labour migrants.
Themes covered in Chapters 3 and 4 are vio- the role of political actors. The book is organised into lence, order and justice. Linking these themes to indi- three parts according to the rigidity of control claims of vidual polities, Guelke competently connects the the migration regime. Part I deals with regimes marked sources of division in these societies to the level of by weak control claims and contains chapters on migra- violence, maintenance of order and the existence of tion politics in Southern Africa, Latin America and justice to understand when and under what conditions Southeast Asia.
Part II turns towards migration regimes divided societies adopt methods of managing or elimi- with stronger control claims, discussing developments in nating differences. Canada, the European Union, Australia and Japan. Integration, partition, EU, the North American Free Trade Agreement and population transfer, power sharing and political accom- emerging migration regimes in Central Asia.
The modation are five mechanisms or elements that are editors conclude that paradigms built around theories of studied in detail. Not least due to its broad geopolitical scope, this This is a captivating and provocative book that volume offers relevant insights and in-depth informa- offers new and important insights into how to estab- tion for experts as well as newcomers to the field. The lish order and justice in these politically unstable collected articles mirror the broad variety of diagnoses societies, as well as democratic institutions that concerning global migration politics.
Especially regard- promote integration. Politics in Deeply Divided Societies recent political developments. However, the volume is a model of original and engaging scholarship has its blind spots. Most importantly, the relation that anyone interested in the dynamics of ethnic between migration politics and migration research is conflict and nationalism, democracy promotion, and hardly discussed.
Other authors choose tion. In some insights and analysis. New York: University of Sheffield Routledge, Govern- aligned with their security interests in the former com- ments must first have electoral safety: any backlash by munist region. In their introductory chapters, the Canada to test his theory. They detail the systematically imposed short-term costs to ensure methodological approach: comparable case studies adequate retirement incomes and fiscal sustainability written by specialists on 15 European countries relying over the long term.
However, one gets the sense that the theory same issues: the extent of patronage differentiated may have been more inductively grounded had it been across sectors and institutions, the motives behind substantiated against other fields of reform, such as political appointments, the role of parties in these financial regulation or environmental policy. Thus, the volume has an ambitious, principally lends itself so logically to analytical generalisation across descriptive aim based on a hypothesis that political policy fields. Succinctly put: As be of interest to specialists in comparative politics, stu- politics and administration change, the intersection dents of public policy and general readers alike.
The methodo- the vagaries of democratic politics when engaging in logical approach is sound, though one might question long-term policy trade-offs. In doing so, he discredits the representativeness of the case selection in the the analytically convenient conception of governments examination of local governments.
The 15 cases them- as short-term vote maximisers. True enough, democ- selves, though perhaps not representative either, are racies bear myriad social and political structures wisely chosen with diversity in mind to include designed to obviate considerations of intergenerational Western, Northern, Southern and East Central equity. However, a theory of the conditions under Europe.
And the individual chapters analyse the data in which governments are able to work around and the context of the respective political systems, to their within these structures is a valuable contribution to our credit. A few interesting themes reappear in several understanding of how our political leaders will con- chapters, including administrative tradition, political tinue to govern for the long term.
In their concluding chapter, the editors find support for Note their hypothesis on the increasing importance of pat- This review does not represent the views of, and is not associated with, the Australian government. Examinations of the extent of patronage, the role of political parties and Nicholas J. McMeniman Australian Commonwealth Government, Canberra the extent to which these share appointments show more diversity between countries. Oxford: Oxford forward. Why does the extent of patronage diverge University Press, How does political compe- 19 0 tition matter for the sharing of appointments between This volume explores patronage appointments and the government and opposition?
Altogether, by combining case-based same time, the thematic breadth and methodological knowledge with detailed and cross-nationally compa- variety of the case studies do not facilitate exploring rable data, the authors and editors have done those of in-depth the role and interplay of different conceptual us interested in particularistic politics a great service. For example, some of them attribute the agency of identity formation to Kim Sass Mikkelsen Aarhus University the elite Zeniewski, p.
The book could have taken this question further to demonstrate how these Elites and Identities in Post-Soviet Space by two dimensions interact. David Lane ed. Another interesting aspect of the book is the analysis pp.
Such lingering regional or international identities. The second section looks at the process of elite Party Strategies in Western Europe: Party Com- formation and its interaction with the population. In the strategies on the fate of established parties in Western third part there are several case studies that analyse Europe between and Chapter 1 defines how elites construct a new identity under the pressure political parties as independent actors able to influence of external forces.
Thus Melnykovkia with colleagues the process of party system change. Chapters 2 and 3 and Solska look at the case of Ukraine and the Baltic define the different strategies that established parties states, respectively, while Russell and Sharan examine may adopt in order to maintain or enhance their sys- the situation in Chechnya and Afghanistan.
Such a temic positions. Chapter 4 deals with the operationalisation of the Overall, the book achieves its main goals in dem- research questions and Western European countries are onstrating the role of elites and other factors in shaping ranked according to the extent to which electorate- identities in the post-Soviet space. Most of the case oriented and institutional strategies are adopted by studies use different methodologies and resonate with established parties in order to achieve or maintain posi- the main Andersonian framework of the book.
At the tions of systemic centrality. Inspired by Giovanni Sartori, they on the fate of established parties. In their view, populism adopt cartel strategies. The use of stitutes a significant scientific contribution against the institutional strategies reaches its highest level in the hegemonic, and largely Eurocentric, view that tends to French and Greek cases, while the lowest is registered equate populism with some sort of disease of democ- in Ireland and Denmark.
The systems of Greece and racy — mostly identified with the far right — which thus France strongly resemble cartel party systems, although limits our research scope and adds a counterproductive in the latter established parties have achieved only a moralistic bias to the study of populism. However, as framework. Each contributor offers a detailed analysis of — The editors return at able to students and scholars with an interest in party the end of the volume with a closing chapter that sums politics in Western Europe.
Mattia Zulianello Istituto Italiano di Scienze Umane, Florence Perhaps the major limitation of this volume is also one of its major merits — namely the use by all the contributors of one and the same theoretical and ana- Populism in Europe and the Americas: Threat lytical framework, provided by the editors. While this or Corrective for Democracy? Cambridge: of an interdisciplinary take, nevertheless it provides the Cambridge University Press, Overall, this is a highly original and well- This edited volume on the much-debated relation written volume with strongly supported arguments.
It between populism and democracy comprises ten essays. Second, the main theoretical contri- Western Europe by Darius Ornston. For example, this solve the puzzle of how Denmark, Finland and Ireland, reviewer missed a more thorough discussion of where despite their small state status, have been able to the solutions and ideas fostered inside the national compete in rapidly evolving high-technology markets. Distinguishing among the three neo-corporatist sub- Martin B. Carstensen types, conservative Germany , competitive Ireland Copenhagen Business School and creative Denmark and Finland , Ornston seeks to identify the specific constellations of stakeholder power The Ashgate Research Companion to Secession and interests that shape each sub-type, in turn generat- by Aleksander Pavkovic and Peter Radan eds.
Contrary to what Farnham: Ashgate, According to the author, this is best explained disciplines. This edited volume undertakes the chal- by the turn to new forms of corporatism in the three lenging task of bringing together approaches from the cases during the last three decades. The book is organised into destroying economic challenges — i.
The first serves as an introduction for the tax reductions, labour market deregulation and fiscal subsequent parts and its four chapters explore the main austerity to promote market competition. In the Finnish themes of the volume. The first three chapters of Part III focus on promote the establishment of new enterprises, the explanations of secession; they examine economic acquisition of new skills and the creation of new indus- interpretations, causal accounts of secessionist violence tries.
The ensuing three chapters deal with the ment, in contrast to the market-based deals that char- international relations of secession including causes acterise competitive corporatism. Part IV shifts the Two criticisms may be levelled at the book. Part VI consists of brief are extended to other West European states Chapter analyses 2—3 pages each of more than twenty seces- 5 ; and the consequences of the financial crisis in light sionist movements around the world.
As Pulwar argues in the case of Britain, West- summarisation and critical evaluation of the available minster can be viewed credibly during its existence as knowledge, but also offers some innovative accounts. Rather nently, the inclusion of a full typology of etiological than focus purely on Westminster, this volume exam- theories of secession including related approaches of ines cases from India, South Africa and Chile as well as nationalism and ethnic mobilisation as well as of a list investigating other theoretical and thematic angles.
Sabha hours lost in alone, p. An inter- will constitute an essential resource for the study of esting finding is that Members of Parliament MPs secession. London: Routledge, Ceremony and Ritual in disciplines. Even looked at parliaments mainly for the policy-making, though this volume has an understandably limited cov- executive relationship and electoral dimensions. Drawing on previous anthropo- politics and international relations. New York: Cambridge servative networks. Overall, this In this book, Clifford Bob examines the complexities book presents a powerful case for a more balanced of global policy making that result from clashes examination of claims and actors on both sides of between transnational advocacy networks.
His central important global and domestic conflicts. It will be argument is that global civil society is comprised of relevant to readers interested in the operation of competing networks of activists operating at national social movements, policy networks and international and transnational levels in a complementary manner.
Within these stages, networks do battle by Accountability and Democracy: The Pitfalls and adopting strategies to advance their interests, such as Promise of Popular Control by Craig T. Both theoretical and The book draws on interviews with activists on each empirical political scientists make use of this concept — side, as well as responsible United Nations officials. Central to the analysis is the recognition by elected agents. Indeed, according to Borowiak, in activists that perceptions are important, with victories focusing only on that aspect scholars fail to grasp the and defeats being used to support the wider battle and real meaning of accountability.
In fact, it should also rally supporters. One way in which presenting a particular representation of accountability. This leads back to the central ability. Alexander, who points national perspective. Indeed, it is almost an globalisation has increased exponentially the number of article of faith in American political thought that non-citizens living in a country.
This situation, accord- democracy requires frequent competitive elections and ing to the author, calls for the construction of new this popular analytic framework is the central organis- instruments through which the non-citizens, the ing principle of modern electoral theory, which takes marginalised and the excluded may take part in the an election to be a system analogous to a consumer accountability process.
Although policy. Following this logic, just as competitive it gives a critical account of the principal-agent model, markets lead to a healthy economy, so also competitive this volume does not seem to exclude accountability as elections are critical to the health of a democracy. Rather, it invites scholars to However, the argument of this book is that an integrate it with the other aspects of accountability. Instead, the For this reason, empirical researchers should take into literal function of an election is a single employment account this innovative understanding, and those who decision where public officials are hired and fired.
Although the author succeeds the Purpose of Elections by Justin Buchler.